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Do education rankings create productive pressure motivating state governments to improve systems and outcomes, or do they primarily serve to shame poor-performing states (often the most disadvantaged) while celebrating wealthy states/UTs whose advantages (like Chandigarh’s small size and direct central funding) make high performance relatively easy, ultimately reinforcing rather than addressing educational inequality?
- Is it intellectually honest to rank Chandigarh (small, wealthy UT with direct central administration) against Meghalaya (large, remote, resource-constrained state with insurgency challenges) on the same scale, or should rankings account for contextual factors, creating separate categories or value-added measures showing improvement from baseline rather than absolute performance?
- When states perform poorly in rankings, should resources flow to them for remediation (rewarding failure), or should high-performers receive additional investment to maintain excellence (rewarding success), and how can policy avoid perverse incentives where states game metrics or feel discouraged by seemingly insurmountable gaps?
- Do public rankings like PGI create political accountability forcing chief ministers to prioritize education, or do they just provide ammunition for opposition criticism without changing ground realities since voters rarely base electoral decisions primarily on education indicators, especially in states where basic survival issues dominate?
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